Political research topics in the philippines

Despite a rise in Chinese public diplomacy efforts in the Philippines, Filipino perceptions of China have mainly remained negative during the Duterte period. This article examines why and how China’s public diplomacy efforts have primarily failed despite President Duterte’s pro-China position.

This paper analyzes the Quezon City Government's sustainable development initiatives in terms of both enablers and barriers and establishes their significant relationships and effects to policy outcomes as well.

This paper examines speechmaking on a contentious policy by arguably one of the most controversial figures to have assumed the Philippine presidency. The paper provides evidence that Rodrigo Duterte's evocative utterances against drug lords and criminals are not just deliberate illocutionary acts intended to court public support, but also priming tactics aimed towards a politically and economically significant audience whose acquiescence gives symbolic legitimacy to a controversial anti-crime policy.

While the COVID-19 pandemic presented itself as a global challenge that greatly hampered progress everywhere, its combination with other national emergencies and political developments in the country made 2020 a year of crises for the Philippines. The year of crises presented itself as a litmus test for the effectiveness of Rodrigo Duterte’s populist leadership and for the resilience of Philippine democracy.

This study aims to determine the relationship between social media and political activism by answering the question, “How does using social media as a news source affect students’ engagement in activism?” Guided by the uses and gratifications theory, this study argues that using social media as a news source leads to engagement in student activism in both of its two dimensions: digital activism and traditional activism.

This article highlights the case of the Ronda ng Kababaihan, a women’s volunteer organization established to conduct night patrols in their neighborhood after witnessing drug-related killings in Pateros. Guided by the political motherhood framework, this study argues that the members use their traditional roles as mothers to legitimize their presence in the streets and the public sphere, and they practice mothering to maintain good relations with the community, police, and local authorities.

The article utilizes Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis [FCDA] to examine texts surrounding Duterte’s much-publicized kiss of a migrant Filipino woman illustrating how his brand of populism reconfigures the state’s paternalistic-hypermasculine stance towards Filipino women migrants.

Quezon City and the City of Baguio enacted anti-discrimination ordinances to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender [LGBT+] persons. The 2014 Quezon City Gender-Fair Ordinance [QCGFO] and the 2017 Anti-Discrimination Ordinance of the City of Baguio [ADOCB] criminalized discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and/or expression. With similar societal contexts, these two cities legislated two different anti-discrimination ordinances.

A volume featuring cutting-edge research on strategic policy, security studies, and Philippine foreign policy written by Philippine security experts from the academe, government, and think-tanks. The chapters cover various areas of strategic policy and studies, including maritime security, political economic developments, the impact of developments in science and technology, and the development of military industries in developing nations.

In this Discussion Paper, International IDEA and the University of the Philippines partnered once again to look back on the Performance Assessment findings and assess how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected the performance of the 1987 Constitution. The Discussion Paper identifies specific trends within constitutional design areas to keep a watch on as the Philippine Government continues to respond to COVID-19.

The Sangguniang Kabataan provides opportunities for youth participation in formal politics; however, it has been criticized for several issues including corruption and inefficiency. This study explores whether young people are politically cynical toward the youth council, and how this affects their political participation.

The 2016 presidential contest is widely considered as the first “social media election” in the Philippines. Findings from this study add to a growing literature on social media and politics that seeks to understand the broader ecosystem of online political discourse, rather than focusing on the actions and strategies of political campaigns.

China under Xi Jinping has become increasingly powerful and aggressive. This case study is included in the book Insidious Power, a crucial window into the CCP’s global influence operations and an urgent call to defend democratic and open societies.

The Duterte administration has facilitated a new autonomous arrangement in Muslim Mindanao, and congressional allies passed some popular laws. In the midterms, Duterte-backed candidates dominated both national and local elections. However, the promised charter change has floundered, economic growth has been tempered, and the drug war has not succeeded.

How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicameral policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive attention in the Philippine Senate, and the propensity by which these measures are passed into legislation.

Two and a half years into the Duterte administration, the country is facing high inflation rates, weak political institutions, and political uncertainty. While there are efforts toward political reform as well as peaceful settlement of conflicts, the country remains divided, with no clear strategy for reforms or nation-building being offered.

Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards?

Two and a half years into the Duterte administration, the country is facing high inflation rates, weak political institutions, and political uncertainty. While there are efforts toward political reform as well as peaceful settlement of conflicts, the country remains divided, with no clear strategy for reforms or nation-building being offered.

The Philippines’ long democratic experience has been remarkably free of deeply politicized cleavages. Nevertheless, the country suffered a crisis of polarization during the presidency of Estrada [1998–2001] and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo [2001–2010].

This kind of research is important especially since more informed public discussions about the issue are needed and there has been no recent comprehensive review of the 1987 Constitution that has been disseminated to different audiences.

The overarching aim of the project is two-fold: [1] to identify strategies that work in relation to poverty alleviation in post-disaster environments, and [2] to ascertain the conditions necessary for the scaling up of these strategies based on the case of relief efforts in selected Yolanda [international name Haiyan] - affected areas.

Early into his campaign for the presidency in 2016, Rodrigo Duterte promised to rid the country of the drug problem just as he had done in Davao after having been its mayor for decades.

What is China’s foreign policy in Northeast Asia? What are the implications of these policies to the Philippines? This research examines continuities and changes in China’s foreign policy in Northeast Asia during the latter part of the Hu Jintao administration and the onset of the Xi Jinping administration.

Republic Act [RA] No. 7941 or the Party-List System Act of 1995 seeks to promote the participation of the marginalized and underrepresented sectors of the society in policymaking. However, two decades after its passage, confusion and controversy still hound the Philippines’ experiment with proportional representation.

Polarization does not necessarily pit left against right, rich against poor, secular against religious, or ethnicity against ethnicity. Rather than polarizing along deep social or ideological cleavages, today’s democracies often polarize over the perceived abuse of power by popularly elected chief executives.

For those studying Southeast Asia closely and intimately, the puzzling diversity in political regimes in the region is not surprising. After all Southeast Asia is a politically constructed group of nations that spans across multiple ethnic, religious, linguistic, economic and cultural boundaries.

The results of the 2013 Philippine mid-term elections highlighted the dominance of political dynasties in the country. With all 80 provinces littered with political families, 74 percent of the elected members of the House of Representatives came from such dynastic groups.

Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions.

This article analyzes lawmaking in presidential systems where legislative roll call votes do not reflect policy or ideological stance, taking the Philippines as a case study.

Theoretically, a public is any group of people conjoined in some specific interest and directly affected by its management.

In the years since the beginning of American colonial rule in the Philippines in 1899 up to the period before the declaration of martial law in 1972, parties and elections have become an essential feature of the country's political landscape.

After having gone through the period of American military and civilian occupation, the Philippines was once again put to the test with its involvement in the Second World War and the ensuing postwar reconstruction.

Throughout much of the Post-World War II period [i.e., from 1946 to 1972] the Philippine party system had achieved some measure of consistency with two parties alternating for control of government.

In ousting a dictatorship in 1986, the Philippines became an important player in the democratic wave that swept the world in the 1970s and 1980s.

The executive branch of the Philippine government is represented and symbolized by the president, as the chief executive of the state, under the different constitutions in Philippine political history.

This chapter presents the period of Ferdinand E. Marcos's regime at the point of his declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972, before the close of his second term as president [1969-1973] under the 1935 Philippine Constitution, until his downfall in the aftermath of February 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, now referred to as EDSA I.

This chapter on the Philippine Executive focuses on the redemocratization period that began with Corazon C. Aquino's ascendancy to power following the "People Power Revolution" [referred to as EDSA I] that toppled the dictatorship of Ferdinand E. Marcos, which caused him to leave the country on February 25, 1986.

Bureaucracy and administration are necessary elements in the Philippine government's performance of its functions as the operational apparatus or machinery of the state.

Pre-Spanish Philippines was composed of barangay societies scattered throughout the archipelago.

As mentioned in the preceding chapter, when Martial Law was declared by President Ferdinand Marcos on September 21, 1972, the Constitutional Convention, which has been convened by an Act of Congress in 1971, was finalizing its draft of a new Constitution.

Dramatic events in February 1986 - the conduct of snap presidential elections, the contested election results, and the now famous EDSA People Power Revolution - led to the overthrow of the Marcos authoritarian regime and the ascendancy of President Corazon Cojuangco Aquino.

Owing to its specialized positions not being open for popular elections and its so-called independent status, the Philippine judiciary has traditionally not enjoyed much attention compared to the two other branches of government.

Before the imposition of martial law in September 1972, the role of the military in Philippine politics was not a contested one.

Local government is the lowest level of elected territorial organization within a state, whether federal or unitary.

The establishment of an autonomous region in the Cordillera [along with one in Muslim Mindanao] is provided for in Article X, Section 15, of the 1987 Constitution.

Autonomy may be defined as a legal, political, or social arrangement that devolves special powers to minority populations within a nation-state to enable their self-governance.